Religion and US Foreign Relations: A Roundtable Recap
The following is a guest review by Dan Hummel of a roundtable that took place on June 20th at the annual meeting of the Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations (SHAFR). Dan is a PhD Candidate at
the University of Wisconsin – Madison. He studies American religious history
and the history of American foreign relations, with special focus on American
evangelicals and the state of Israel in the postwar period. Many thanks to him for this wonderful report!
It seems fitting, however, to start at the beginning
with Molly Worthen’s brief remarks that set a sort of agenda for the
roundtable. As she and other panelists reiterated, the very fact that there has
been a “religious turn” in the history of American foreign affairs was evident
all around us at the SHAFR conference. Many panels had religious themes in
their titles, and many more papers incorporated religious sources and perspectives.
The roundtable itself was evidence of religion assuming the mantle as the
newest “fad” (a wry designation by the estimable Leo Ribuffo) of new scholarship,
and especially among younger historians and grad students. To my mind, the book
displays just outside the meeting room reinforced this reality. Recent offerings
from Ussama Makdisi’s Artillery of Heaven (2008) to Axel Schäfer’s Piety and Public Funding (2012) show the thematic and chronological breadth
of the religious turn.
The panel
was entitled “Religion and U.S. Foreign Relations: A Roundtable on the State of the
Study.” There were an unusually large number of people on the stage familiar to RIAH. Molly
Worthen (University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill) chaired, while presenters
included Cara Burnidge (Florida State University), Will Inboden (University of Texas-Austin),
Emily Conroy-Krutz (Michigan
State University), Edward Blum (San Diego State University), and Leo Ribuffo
(George Washington University). Cara, Ed, and Emily are also members of the religion and U. S. Empire Group, which Sylvester Johnson recently posted about. Rather than provide a blow-by-blow account, the following paragraphs
will simply include some of my loosely organized impressions as a graduate
student studying religion and foreign affairs.
It seems fitting, however, to start at the beginning
with Molly Worthen’s brief remarks that set a sort of agenda for the
roundtable. As she and other panelists reiterated, the very fact that there has
been a “religious turn” in the history of American foreign affairs was evident
all around us at the SHAFR conference. Many panels had religious themes in
their titles, and many more papers incorporated religious sources and perspectives.
The roundtable itself was evidence of religion assuming the mantle as the
newest “fad” (a wry designation by the estimable Leo Ribuffo) of new scholarship,
and especially among younger historians and grad students. To my mind, the book
displays just outside the meeting room reinforced this reality. Recent offerings
from Ussama Makdisi’s Artillery of Heaven (2008) to Axel Schäfer’s Piety and Public Funding (2012) show the thematic and chronological breadth
of the religious turn.
Worthen also posited three methodological/theoretical
questions at the heart of the intersection between religion and foreign
affairs: 1) What is religion? 2) What are foreign relations? 3) What does it
mean to “take religion seriously” in our scholarship? Worthen offered these
questions to ponder, and gave some principles for historians to follow. These
included the recognition that historical actors can be both sincere and
inconsistent in their religious beliefs; that the causal line between belief
and action is a “zig-zag” rather than clear-cut; and that it is important for
enthusiasts of the religious turn to be modest in their claims of religious influence
on historical actors. My sense was that all the panelists agreed on these
principles, and that most of the audience did as well.
My first (and most obvious) takeaway from the roundtable was
the centrality of recent work by Andrew Preston for the religious turn. This
should not be surprising if you follow developments in the field. Virtually all
of the presenters paid homage to Preston’s recent book, Sword of the Spirit, Shield of Faith (2012). In addition, Cara Burnidge
structured her talk around Preston’s 2006 Diplomatic
History article, “Bridging the Gap Between the Sacred and the Secular in
the History of American Foreign Relations.” That said, Leo Ribuffo reminded us
that he, along with Bruce Kuklick and even William Appleman Williams (with a
shout out to The Contours of American History (1961)) have been exploring the
intersection between religion and foreign affairs for decades.
Of course, each “turn” in a historical field has its unique
emphases and arguments, this religious turn being no different. Perhaps the
most central methodological agenda item for the panelists was in countering
what Will Inboden called the “hermeneutics of suspicion.” This hermeneutic entailed,
paraphrasing Inboden, skepticism of genuine religious motivation, even when the
“regular threshold” of documentary evidence had been met. In particular, if
both private and public sources correlate as to the religious motivations of a
policymaker, then, Inboden asserted, religion as an independent variable in
decision-making should be no more controversial than economic or national
interest motivations. More generally, panel members emphasized a variant on
taking seriously references to religious motivations in sources and not
reducing religion to supposedly more “base” economic, racial, or other motivations.
The roundtable displayed the diverse methods and approaches
historians are using in their turn to religion. This seems to me to be the next
frontier in the turn: a debate (hopefully friendly as it was here) over how
much related fields such as religious studies, anthropology, and sociology will
influence a diplomatic/foreign affairs framework. In the roundtable, Edward
Blum was perhaps the most daring in calling for historians to expand their
scope to include “supra-human characters” (conceptions of God and millennial
expectations) and “other-than-human material objects” (amulets, sacred objects,
etc.) in the mix. Citing concepts from
religious studies scholar Robert Orsi and sociologist Bruno Latour, Blum turned
to early Mormonism as an example where he saw particular opportunities to
reshape the narrative away from an American to a global context.
Other panelists had similar particular methodological
emphases. Emily Conroy-Krutz focused on early-19th century
missionaries as a set of historical actors that reframed pre-Civil War American
foreign relations. Will Inboden raised the question of whether religion was a
form of identity or a set of ideas and values, leaning toward the latter but
not dismissing the former. Cara Burnidge brought a strong religious studies
sensibility to Preston’s “Bridging the Gap” metaphor of sacred and secular.
Burnidge called for historians to historicize the concepts of secular and
sacred and to think more broadly about what constitutes “religious” – a point
of emphasis she shared with Blum. Practices, truisms, material objects, and
particularly legal systems and laws were understudied sites Burnidge mentioned
for historians of American foreign relations. Overall, my sense is that the methodologically
diverse panel mirrors the state of the field at present. A lot of younger
scholars/grad students of foreign affairs (such as myself) have been cross-trained
in American religious history or a related field and thus have had immediate
exposure to a wide array of religion-specific methodological tools. If we are trained
to use inter-field or interdisciplinary methods from the start, there will
inevitably be more ecumenism and diversity when we all gather together.
Leo Ribuffo, who spoke last, sought to temper the relatively
optimistic mood of the other panelists while also providing a longer history to
the study of religion in American foreign affairs. He did so with usual wit and
wry humor, calling for historians to avoid “theological determinism” and to
beware of exaggerations of historical influence, among other warnings. His
observation that not all religious actors are “Protestant or conservative” is
pretty well substantiated by a litany of recent scholarship (works by Mark
Edwards, Caitlin Carenen, and David Settje come to mind – all were also in
attendance at SHAFR), but for someone who studies conservative Protestants,
like me, it also important to remember in contextualizing and making
connections with the broader historical canvas.
From my perspective, the panel struck the
audience in diverse ways. Some in the audience expressed a level of skepticism about
the “special treatment” panelists were giving to religion. Were panelists
advocating an almost uncritical approach to the sources? Of course, none of the
panelists advocated such a methodology, but there did seem to be a lack of
understanding across generational lines nonetheless. I will say this as
delicately as possible: older historians seemed much more skeptical about the
role of religion in American foreign affairs, or focus on it by historians of
American foreign relations. This is a gap I have not experienced at the
University of Wisconsin, but I had suspected was present in the wider SHAFR
community. The panel confirmed it.
Otherwise, it seemed that the audience was on board with the
enthusiastic embrace of religion evident among the panelists. At present –
perusing the conference’s program of almost 100 panels for the 2014 meeting –
religion is not taking over SHAFR, nor is it necessarily even fundamentally
altering SHAFR’s terrain. There are still numerous panels on nuclear diplomacy,
North-South issues, human rights, and particular presidential administrations.
At present, the religious turn seems to be a vibrant and growing subfield that
has allowed some of us who otherwise would be consigned awkwardly to American
religious history or religious studies to share in our common interest of
foreign affairs. Inboden’s call (representative of the panel) to be more
methodologically explicit, however, seems to be the next big discussion, one I
look forward to observing as I try to tackle the basic questions Worthen
posited in my own work.
Comments
Not the deism of a creator who then took off and left mankind to its own devices, but a Creator who is still man's God.
Providentially--by divine will-- America may be justly punished for her sins [the Civil War] or used as God's own instrument of justice [WWII, the Cold War].
Being a chosen people, or as Lincoln put it cautiously, an "almost" chosen people, is, I submit, still the consensus of the American people, but theologically attentive readers of the "Old Testament" are quite aware that being God's Chosen People" ain't so great a deal as it might sound to the unchosen.
Chosen people are held to a higher standard, and are punished or rewarded accordingly.
I also submit that American Christianity--specifically its evangelical Protestantism--is the only society on earth that takes the "Old Testament" and Mighty Jehovah seriously.
If you want to track down the core vibe, I believe that's where it is. If there is an American Exceptionalism, at its best its arrogances are well aware of its chastisements.