When Diversity Drops: Julie J. Park Interview
Today’s
interview is with Dr. Julie J. Park, an assistant professor of
education at the University of Maryland, College Park. Her important new
book is When Diversity Drops: Race, Religion, and Affirmative Action in Higher Education (Rutgers University Press, 2013).
******************
Phillip Luke
Sinitiere (PLS): In brief, can you give us a brief synopsis of the main
argument(s) of When Diversity Drops?
Julie J. Park
(JJP):
The main argument is that drops in racial diversity in the university have a
severely negative effect on students' ability to sustain multiracial
communities on campus. I examined how this dynamic played out in the
InterVarsity Christian Fellowship at “California University,” a multiracial
campus fellowship that struggled over the years to sustain its diversity given
the drop in Black enrollment at CU. While religion can mediate notable
shifts in organizational culture related to racial diversity, its ability to do
so is limited by broader structural conditions and inequality in both the
university setting and society at large.
PLS: Turning to
methodology, what got you interested in this topic, and how does your approach
to studying InterVarsity Christian Fellowship (IVCF) compare to studies of
other evangelical Christian ministries (e.g., John G. Turner’s book on Campus
Crusade for Christ)?
JJP: I witnessed a “Race
Matters” forum, a facilitated dialogue on race, when visiting Stanford's IVCF
chapter years ago. This propelled me to start doing ethnographic
observations of the IVCF at "CU" some time later as a graduate
student, which turned into this project. A few other studies of campus
fellowships (books by Paul Bramadat and Peter Magolda) use ethnographic
methods, and John Turner used historical methods. I drew on archival data
to understand how IVCF had changed as an organization over the years, both
nationally and locally, but primarily used ethnographic methods—close participant
observation over the course of 15 months. Because of that, I am probably
much more "in" the text, as I was literally the instrument for data
collection. I share some of my reflections on doing ethnographic work in
the appendix. In this way, my voice probably comes across stronger than
some other qualitative studies of campus fellowships (e.g., Rebecca Kim’s
excellent work).
Other
differences--I was trained in a college of education, and my field is higher
ed. So the fact that IVCF was part of the university setting was not a
secondary, but primary, focus for me. So that focus, along with my training
and research on racial diversity in higher ed, definitely shaped the study.
A lot of the sociology of religion work on racial diversity in religious
institutions is naturally interested in the impact on evangelicalism and
religion/religious communities, but something I do in the book is show how the
racial dynamics in the evangelical world are shaping non-evangelical
institutions (the secular university).
PLS: In the case
of the IVCF group(s) you have studied, what specifically fueled racial and
ethnic harmony amongst members? What factors proved most divisive? To what
extent did the interplay between spiritual and material factors foster unity and
produce division? Why?
JJP: In terms of
harmony, I explain how IVCF used various tools to help students view
race-consciousness and faith as compatible instead of mutually exclusive. So
basically they did a lot of framing, a lot of rhetorical work around what it
meant to follow Jesus, what it meant to love your neighbor—these concepts
became intimately connected to their vision around racial reconciliation.
They were able to use programs like their Race Matters discussions to
help students grasp the power of race in everyday life, but I'd say their
greatest asset was their commitment to each other, community, and the
relationships that kept people in the group, even when they weren't sure what
they thought about race. In terms of divisiveness, I argue that the broader
structural inequality of the university, particularly due to Prop 209
(California’s affirmative action ban) constrained the ability of IVCF to
sustain their diversity; it also undermined students' ability to have
"equal status" with each other, a critical requirement for healthy
intergroup conduct. Basically the inequality of the broader university
was not left at the door when students entered IVCF; these inequalities were
reproduced. So, altogether I argue that religion is a great asset as something
that can provide impetus to bridging racial divides, but attempts to do so are
still thwarted in an unequal society.
PLS: To the
extent that IVCF serves as something of an index for understanding race
relations within American evangelicalism—and in specific relation to the
growing number of studies on multiracial churches—how do the dynamics of
multiracialism within a Christian organization such as IVCF compare to those of
a multiracial congregation?
JJP: I think they
had some advantages in that college students have more time to “do life”
together. You are more likely to have the time to stay up till 3 AM
talking about life, and that's highly conducive to forming social bonds.
Still, some students choose not to cross racial divides during college
(primarily White students, who have the lowest rates of cross-racial
interaction in the university setting), and thus miss out on the opportunity to
engage deeply with race during the college years. But college students
often have a sense of openness and idealism that is unique. IVCF was
pretty savvy in milking this, and they built a culture that encouraged
risk-taking and displacement.
PLS: What projects do you have in the works?
What can readers expect from Julie J. Park in the coming months and years?
JJP: Related to
religion, I have a few quantitative studies coming out that looking at how religion shapes
cross-racial interaction in college. I am currently doing
interviews with second generation Korean and Chinese American parents looking
at how they're approaching child-rearing and education for third generation children,
and one dimension I'm interested in is how religion shapes people's values
around parenting, as well as the formation of social capital networks. In
the future, who knows? I’d like to keep tackling this race/religion
angle, maybe to do some comparative work on how religion shapes educational
opportunities for communities of color.
Comments
Maybe there are a lot of Christians who don't like race as a factor in what is putatively a "universal" religion.
And pardon my Wiki, but
Of the 590 campuses where InterVarsity is present, many have multiple chapters which focus individually on Greek students, international students, nursing students, graduate students, and members of ethnic minorities. These include almost 60 ethnic-specific chapters ministering to Blacks, Asians, Native Americans, and Latinos. Of the 37,040 active InterVarsity students, 13,673, or 36%, identify themselves as ethnic minority or multiracial students. InterVarsity has 160 Asian American staff, 55 African American staff, 38 Hispanic/Latino staff, 6 American Indian, Alaskan Native, Native Hawaiian and Pacific Islander staff, and 24 "two or more races" staff.
The existence of separate ethnic-specific chapters [some on the same campus] seems a bit of a head-scratcher as well, where racial ecumenicalism and racial self-segregation exist side by side in a single organization, IVCF.
Further, in some or many views of Christianity, inter-denominational/ecumenical Christianity is of limited theological utility. An arm's-distance alliance on theo-social issues and a mutual defense of religious freedom [say the Manhattan Declaration] is as much Barneyism as is necessary or called for.
I'd also guess that there is a high correlation between race-conscious ecumenicalism and liberal theology, IOW, that the IVCF is less a microcosm of Christianity as a whole than of the Democratic Party, which is quite a different kettle of fish.