Catholicism and Civil Rights, 1968
Karen Johnson
On Thursday, April 4, 1968, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. was assassinated. By Friday night, April 5, nine black men in Chicago, ages 16-34, were dead and the city’s west side was on fire. At least four of those men had been killed by police, carrying shotguns loaded with shells packed with extra shot. A Sun-Times reporter suspected the four dead were innocent bystanders, targeted by police who had little regard for black life. While tragic, this type of deadly police violence against black citizens was not uncommon. But it was hardly noticed by white Americans.
On Thursday, April 4, 1968, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. was assassinated. By Friday night, April 5, nine black men in Chicago, ages 16-34, were dead and the city’s west side was on fire. At least four of those men had been killed by police, carrying shotguns loaded with shells packed with extra shot. A Sun-Times reporter suspected the four dead were innocent bystanders, targeted by police who had little regard for black life. While tragic, this type of deadly police violence against black citizens was not uncommon. But it was hardly noticed by white Americans.
The following Monday, however,
Chicago’s Mayor Daley said something that white Americans could not
ignore. Daley described his now-famous
“shoot to kill” order. He said, “I have
conferred with the superintendent of police this morning and I gave him the following
instructions, which I thought were instructions on the night of the fifth that
were not carried out. I said to him very emphatically and very definitely that
[he should issue an order] immediately and under his signature to shoot to kill
any arsonist or anyone with a Molotov cocktail in his hand in Chicago because
they're potential murderers, and to issue a police order to shoot to maim or
cripple any arsonists and looters--arsonists to kill and looters to maim and
detain.” Daley’s comments provoked an
uproar of complaint, especially from the nation’s African Americans. Later, Daley’s press secretary said that the
reporters should have printed what Daley meant – that the police needed to
protect women and children – not what Daley said. But the damage was done.
Black people were appalled that
Daley would so devalue black life. His
comments sparked black Catholics to form at least two black power organizations
after the riot. Those organizations were
the Afro-American Patrolman’s League (AAPL) and the Black Catholic Clergy
Caucus.
In my post last month, I reviewed
Catholics and the American Century, a book that considered how American
history narratives would be different if we accounted for Catholics. This month
I want to play this idea out in what might, at first glance, seem to be an
unexpected way: by pairing Catholics and Black Power. In 1960, the Catholic Church estimated that
black Catholics constituted only six percent of Chicago’s black
population. Yet their presence mattered
tremendously, not only for the Church but also for the city.
At the AHA this year, MatthewCressler gave an
outstanding paper exploring Black Power and Catholicism by looking at the AAPL. His paper challenged more traditional ideas
that black power was secular, black religion Protestant, and the Catholic
Church was white and politically conservative.
Cressler pointed out that by late 1960s, a growing group of black
Catholics thought that black power could revolutionize the Catholic
Church.
In his paper, Cressler argued
that the AAPL was deeply influenced by Catholicism. The six officers who initially formed the
AAPL met in the basement of Holy Angels Church with Father George Clements, who
would soon serve as the chaplain for Chicago’s Black Panthers. Police officer and co-founder Renault
Robinson was Catholic as was Ralph Metcalfe, a prominent supporter. Both men hailed from Corpus Christi parish, a
thriving black parish on the South Side.
Soon after its founding, the AAPL became embroiled in several controversies
with the Catholic Church that led them to dye a lagoon black on St. Patrick’s
Day (when the city dyes the Chicago River green), participate in a black mass,
and protest over the Archdiocese’s appointment of black priests to parishes.
Daley’s comment also sparked the
first-ever national meeting of black priests.
Father Herman Porter, a black priests from Rockford, IL, invited the
nation’s black priests to a special meeting before the regularly scheduled
Clergy Conference on the Interracial Apostolate to discuss Daley’s order. (For
more on the meeting, see Cyprian Davis’s TheHistory of Black Catholics). The
group proclaimed that “"the Catholic Church in the United States,
primarily a white racist institution, has addressed itself primarily to white
society and is definitely a part of that society.”
Cressler’s paper pointed out that
Catholicism engaged with racial justice, particularly through black power, in
the years after 1968. In doing so, black
Catholics forged a new way of being Catholic, one that they thought was both
authentically black and truly Catholic.
Their history challenges “common” knowledge, that with the decline of
liberal Catholic efforts for integration, Catholics disengaged with race. Cressler’s paper argues otherwise. I, for one, am looking forward to reading
more of his work.
Comments
For a sense of proportion.
The question of proportion, Mr. Van Dyke, is a little hard to gauge. Over 60 black Catholic priests gathered in Rockford, IL to found the Black Catholic Clergy Caucus in 1968. This was the first national black Catholic organization founded in the Black Power era and it sparked the Black Catholic Movement, soon joined by the National Black Sisters Conference (1968) and the National Office for Black Catholics (1970). The voices of black Catholic clergy quickly gained a national prominence disproportionate to their numerical size.
The Afro-American Patrolmen's League is similar. It was first founded by just five black Chicago Police officers in the basement of a Catholic church. However, through their activism and lawsuits, the AAPL contributed to a significant expansion the black police force in Chicago.
So, I would say that the proportion of these two organizations (in terms of local and national influence) was much greater than their sheer numbers, which were initially small.
I think we're all aware of the danger of looking into past to try to see our own reflections---they tend to look bigger and brighter. So I was inquiring whether these orgs actually had ripples beyond their little splash.
Yet I've often wondered if the interreligious baton was simply passed to the emerging black power contingent... that is, I wonder if the language and cultural stance of black power provides a new framework for tri-faith cooperation, just as the old guard found a platform for such activity in the language and stance of the movement in the '50s and early '60s.
The Church Awakens: African-Americans and the Struggle for Racial Justice
Included are images of some great documents/pamphlets and a pretty solid overview of some of the major issues and events for the Episcopalian community during the period.