Eric Metaxas, Dietrich Bonheoffer, and the Uses of History
I'm very pleased to post the following from my friend Carolyn Dupont, Professor of History at Eastern Kentucky University and author of a forthcoming, very important study entitled Mississippi Praying: Southern White Evangelicals and the Civil Rights Movement, 1945-1975, a revision of her Ph.D. dissertation from the University of Kentucky. Oh, and in her spare time, she runs marathons.
By Carolyn Dupont
A few nights ago, I heard prolific author Eric Metaxas talk about his new book, Bonhoeffer: Pastor, Martyr, Prophet, Spy. The book continues to garner glowing reviews and to sell briskly after reaching the top slot on the New York Times bestseller list last September. Not surprisingly, Metaxas drew a large and friendly audience. Funny, engaging, and openly evangelical, he recounted—to the extent possible in a one-hour lecture—the life, theology, courage, and final end of the German pastor who openly opposed the Nazi regime, joined a plot to kill Hitler, and paid with his life. Metaxas argued that an increasingly secular society has buried such stories of faith-inspired heroism, and he has embarked on a mission of recovery. The audience clearly found the talk inspiring.
A few nights ago, I heard prolific author Eric Metaxas talk about his new book, Bonhoeffer: Pastor, Martyr, Prophet, Spy. The book continues to garner glowing reviews and to sell briskly after reaching the top slot on the New York Times bestseller list last September. Not surprisingly, Metaxas drew a large and friendly audience. Funny, engaging, and openly evangelical, he recounted—to the extent possible in a one-hour lecture—the life, theology, courage, and final end of the German pastor who openly opposed the Nazi regime, joined a plot to kill Hitler, and paid with his life. Metaxas argued that an increasingly secular society has buried such stories of faith-inspired heroism, and he has embarked on a mission of recovery. The audience clearly found the talk inspiring.
Metaxas emphasized Bonhoeffer’s willingness
to engage hard questions and his devotion to rigorous thinking. Yet
disappointingly, he did not invite his audience of conservative Presbyterians
to a similar examination. Instead, he offered
a simple story of heroism that drew a straight and uncomplicated line from
“real Christianity” to Bonhoeffer’s courageous deeds. Against the knowledge that adherents of the
Christian faith have eagerly abetted the very worst social injustices—material
familiar to the readers of this blog—such a narrative requires interrogation. Explaining
only that Bonhoeffer “believed the Bible was the Word of God,” embraced very “orthodox”
beliefs, and criticized the liberal theology of his German coreligionists, Metaxas
implied that his audience would recognize Bonhoffer’s version of the faith as
much like their own.
Yet, little in the denominational
history of the church where Metaxas spoke suggests their faith resembles the
German pastor’s. This communion, the
Presbyterian Church in America (PCA), formed in 1973 when fundamentalist
elements withdrew from the Southern Presbyterian Church. The personnel and
institutions that created the new communion came largely from the Deep South,
and many had engaged actively in resistance to the struggle for black
equality. Among them, Dr. Donald
Patterson of First Presbyterian Church in Jackson, Mississippi chaired the
steering committee that founded the new PCA.
Leaders of the Citizens’ Council (a grass-roots group devoted to white
supremacy) enjoyed positions of power and responsibility in Patterson’s
congregation; his church openly denied admission to black worshippers and had
established a Christian school in 1965 to service the needs of whites when
public school segregation collapsed under the demands of the Civil Rights Act
of 1964. Another important architect of
the PCA, G. Aiken Taylor, labored prodigiously to undermine the quest for black
equality as the Magnolia State writhed in turmoil in the mid-1960s. Most noteworthy among these endeavors, he
corresponded with Erle Johnston, head of Mississippi’s State Sovereignty
Commission, feeding him information in an effort to sabotage civil rights
activity and asking him to supply similar intelligence for use in articles in
the conservative Presbyterian Journal. Taylor especially sought material that might
challenge the religious legitimacy of black Mississippians connected to the
struggle.
Personal and institutional connections
aside, the new communion enshrined a theology—a version of real Christianity,
if you will—that had supported and serviced these believers well as they
rejected black demands for equality and personhood. Among the PCA’s most prized doctrines, they
regarded the church as a spiritual institution that had no business “meddling
in political affairs.” In fact, this
group regarded the new denomination as necessary to preserve their own more
pure theology against the accursed “liberalism” and weak commitments to
biblical inerrancy of the parent denomination.
This more liberal theology of the parent faith balanced of “spirituality
of the church” with a notion of social justice based on the life and teachings
of Jesus and had informed its support (belated though it was) of black
Americans’ struggle for equality.
Indeed, understanding the nature of
“real Christianity” in times of social crisis becomes precisely the
problem. Never are arguments about the
meanings of the faith more vociferous and salient than in times of
extraordinary upheaval. When on the cusp
of dramatic alterations to the social order, people find themselves hotly
debating the meanings of their faith—as in Germany during the rise of the Nazi
regime, on the eve of the American Civil War, or during the American civil
rights movement. Not coincidentally,
Christianity fragments in these times, as abstractions about the essence and
implications of faith acquire the most concrete consequences.
Drawing an uncomplicated line
between Christian faith and Bonhoeffer’s heroism (Metaxas’s depiction) obscures
a central problem: people deeply implicated in evil social systems from which
they benefit find it difficult—nigh unto impossible—to identify the wickedness
in these systems. What, exactly,
differentiated Bonhoeffer’s faith from the presumably counterfeit versions that
sustain and defend heinous corporate crimes?
How exactly did Bonhoeffer, who “believed the Bible was the Word of
God,” determine that God willed him to help assassinate the Führer rather than
to “be subject unto the higher powers” as admonished in Romans 13:1?
.
A rich irony rang as this PCA
congregation in Lexington, Kentucky, so committed to a theology that undermines
social justice, celebrated Dietrich Bonhoeffer as one of their own. Most
of the sincere and decent people who worship there probably know little of
their history, and they likely fail to appreciate their theology’s utter inadequacy
for challenging systemic sin. Perhaps
congregations serious about discovering and living out “real Christianity”
should entertain some of the questions above in order to discover why the faith
so frequently fails to live up to its benevolent and ameliorative promise. Given my understanding of the man, Bonhoeffer
might have asked just these questions.
Comments
I'm reminded of this lack of introspection every MLK Day when many of my evangelical Facebook friends post quotes from MLK Jr.
so good to see your post. One of your most profound comments that really struck was the following: "Christianity fragments in these times [of dramatic alterations to the social order], as abstractions about the essence and implications of faith acquire the most concrete consequences." Looking forward to your book being published. Any articles on the way?
It astounds me how Evangelicals happily bypass many of his theological views, of which I think are essential to Bonhoeffer, in order to claim him as their own.
Hope that helps! Carolyn